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Framing Financial Structure in an Information Environment

Framing Financial Structure in an Information Environment
Thomas J. Courchene and Edwin H. Neave (eds.), 2003 (Paper ISBN: 0-88911-950-3 $29.95) (Cloth ISBN: 0-88911-948-1 $65.00)


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  Introduction
 



CONTENTS

Acknowledgement . . . v
Introduction

. . .

1

Overview Perspectives
Financial Regulation in a Changing Environment
Douglas Gale



. . .



15

Bankers and Risk
Charles Goodhart

. . .


37

Theoretical Underpinnings
Financial Governance and Financial Regulation
Lewis D. Johnson and Edwin H. Neave


. . .


47
Financial Governance and Financial Regulation: Comments
Robert Jones


. . .


66
Effects of Financial Restructuring
To What Extent Will the Banking Industry be Globalized?
A Study of Bank Nationality and Reach in 20 European
Nations
Allen N. Berger, Qinglei Dai, Steven Ongena and
David C. Smith
. . . 73
Banking and Globalization: Comments
Ron Giammarino
. . . 117
Competition: National or International?
Revisiting Main and Bay Streets
John F. Chant


. . .


123
Revisiting Main and Bay Streets: Comments
Frank Mathewson


. . .


151
Bancassurance: Merging Banks and Insurance
Citicorp-Travelers Group Merger: Challenging Barriers
Between Banking and Insurance
Kenneth A. Carow

. . .

157
Citicorp-Travelers Group Merger: Comments
Paul Halpern


. . .


180
Looking Forward
System Stability
Charles Freedman


. . .


189
Looking Forward: Three Challenges
Tim O'Neill


. . .


199
On the Future of International Financial Intermediation
Stephen S. Poloz


. . .


203
Contributors    


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INTRODUCTION

Technology and the information revolution are progressively blurring the line between banks and near banks, between loans and securities, and between domestic and international forms of financial business. These changes create challenges for financial institutions, for regulators and for financial system clients, wholesale and retail alike. Financial managers strive to find efficient and effective organizational structures that offer sufficient flexibility in response to this changing environment. For their part, financial regulators attempt to find effective ways of monitoring institutional and system risk in response to the changing dynamics of financial sector structure. Individuals complicate the lives of financial managers and regulators alike by utilizing their new-found informatics power to demand state-of-the-art financial instruments, and by placing their faith in regulators whose task is to ensure that the financial sector will respond to these demands in ways that are transparent on the one hand, secure on the other. Partly in response to this rapidly changing environment, the Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions (OSFI) is lending its support and encouragement to a series of national conferences on financial regulation. Framing Financial Structure in an Information Environment presents the proceedings of the second of these conferences, held at Queen's University in late 2001. The conference was hosted by the John Deutsch Institute for the Study of Economic Policy and by Queen's Financial Economics (a joint venture of the School of Business and the Department of Economics).

The role of this introduction is to present a capsule summary of the principal papers presented at the conference and reproduced in this volume. Several of the papers are followed by commentaries, which we do not summarize in this introduction.

We begin with the two overview perspectives by Douglas Gale and by Charles Goodhart.

Gale on Regulation Without Theory

In the first of the two framework papers, "Financial Regulation in a Changing Environment", Douglas Gale wrestles with the reality that, despite the presence of substantial and growing regulation of the financial sector, there is no theory of optimal financial regulation. Indeed, Gale notes that the development of central banking and financial regulation has been an essentially empirical process driven by the exigencies of history rather than by formal theory. For example, the Great Depression led to the Glass-Steagall Act's provisions that separated banking from investment, to the creation of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to regulate financial markets, and to the provision for deposit insurance for banks and savings and loan institutions through the FDIC and the FSLIC. Europe, on the other hand, never instituted a ban against allowing the same institutions to engage in both banking and investment/underwriting activities.

Gale begins his analysis with a simple model of risk sharing with complete markets, within which a laissez faire financial system achieves a constrained-efficient allocation of risk and resources, and where financial crises may actually be necessary in order to achieve this constrained efficiency. One obvious implication of the model is that the avoidance of crises should not be taken as axiomatic on the part of regulators: "if regulation is required to minimize or obviate the costs of financial crises, it needs to be justified by a microeconomic welfare analysis based on standard assumptions".

In order to provide an opportunity for welfare-improving intervention, Gale next develops an incomplete-markets model. The result is a market failure (because the banks face the wrong "prices") which in turn suggests two ways in which prudential regulation can improve economic welfare. First, the regulatory agency could execute the intertemporal trades that banks, investors and depositors cannot achieve, effectively replacing the "missing" markets. The problem here is that it is not obvious what technological advantage the authorities have over the market when it comes to executing intertemporal trades. Second, and more interesting, the authorities could alter the allocation of resources in a way that changes prices and causes economic decisionmakers to change their own intertemporal decisions. Under further assumptions Gale goes on to note that "only if there is a pecuniary externality and markets are incomplete will there be an argument for regulation". He then adds:

It is not clear that any of these considerations are actually the ones that motivate the regulators who set capital adequacy requirements. But what-ever the motivation, the onus seems to be on the regulator to identify the pecuniary externality so that we can assess the importance of the market failure and the effectiveness of capital adequacy requirements as a solution. Financial fragility, the idea that one bank failure may trigger others and bring down the whole financial system, would be an example of a pecuniary externality on a very large scale. Perhaps this is what motivates the system of capital adequacy requirements. If so, we need better models of financial fragility before we can provide a theoretical basis for the current system.

Gale's brief and optimistic conclusion merits quotation in its entirety:

I began by noting the lack of theory in the practice of financial regulation. These notes have raised questions rather than answered them, so this lacuna remains to be filled. I close with the economist's familiar lament that further research is needed. Our understanding of financial institutions and their interaction with financial markets is growing and we are near the point where we will have the tools to address questions of policy in a more systematic and theoretically sophisticated way. The questions before us are fascinating in their own right and deserve to be addressed by the brightest minds in the field.

Goodhart on Bankers and Risk

Charles Goodhart's delightful luncheon address, "Bankers and Risk", might well have been entitled "regulation and the law of unintended consequences". Goodhart emphasizes, via a series of apt vignettes, that one cannot in general reduce risk without at the same time having deleterious implications for other social forces or functions. This proposition may well be viewed as the mirror image of Goodhart's own law - that whenever authorities seek to make use of a statistical regularity for control purposes, that regularity will collapse.

At the level where risk, regulation, and banking interact, Goodhart expresses surprise that "those responsible for trying to regulate risk-taking within the banking system feel empowered to intrude upon, and to constrain, the chosen capital structure and base of the banking system, but shy away from any similar controls over the direct reward system, bonuses, option payments, etc., for bankers". The use of subordinated debt to act as an early warning signal for excessive risk and, therefore, as an indirect constraint on bankers' risk-taking is a case in point, since this once-popular analytical approach is progressively attracting problems. Much better, Goodhart argues, to act upon incentives that directly face bank managers. Along these lines, the appropriate lesson from Enron might well be "preventing ordinary workers from having their pensions invested in their own companies, whilst at the same time requiring that senior managers are forced into the position of having their pension invested in their own company".

Goodhart also addresses a challenge emanating from the intertemporal nature of risk. Since risk is typically "assumed" during boom times but becomes "realized" during recessions, at a micro level it makes sense for capital adequacy requirements to be pro-cyclical, that is, they should bite harder in a recession than in a boom. But from a macro or stabilization standpoint, one would want to encourage banks to lend more in a recession and less in a boom. One approach to reconciling these objectives would be to ensure that risk is measured, for regulatory purposes, over as long a period as possible so as to average over the cycle of both good and bad times. Another of Goodhart's proposals here is to try to condition capital requirements on the relative growth of lending so that the faster a bank expands its portfolio the tighter the requirements become.

Goodhart ends with "but fortunately, unlike regulation, luncheon speeches do have a closure". In this case, closure came all too quickly.

Neave and Johnson on Financial Governance and Financial Regulation

Edwin Neave and Lewis Johnson develop a transactions-based analytical framework for addressing governance and regulatory issues in a rapidly evolving financial system. The authors take the financial transaction or "deal" as their basic unit of analysis. They classify deals according to their attributes, along a spectrum from standard/risky/liquid to non-standard/ uncertain/illiquid. An analogous spectrum of governance mechanisms runs from markets, to intermediaries, and to hierarchies/internal financing, while the spectrum of governance capabilities runs from monitoring through control (e.g., auditing), and finally to approaches that may require ongoing adjustments to the deals.

With this taxonomy in place, Neave and Johnson then focus on "alignment", that is, the appropriate matching of deal attributes and governance regimes. For example, deals that are non-standard (few in number, uncertain, incomplete contracts) cannot be handled via decentralized markets. Rather, they will require the expertise associated with intermediaries or, in the most difficult cases, the degree of hands-on management associated with internal financing arrangements like those of financial conglomerates.

Neave and Johnson then apply this framework to mergers and acquisitions (M&As) to draw implications for regulation. M&As can increase either or both of "concentration" or "convergence", where the former means consolidation of companies within a given segment of the financial sector (e.g., banking) while convergence implies the combining of different kinds of business within the same enterprise. Because increasing concentration will imply more or larger deals with the same attributes, it is likely to be a lesser regulatory challenge than a merger that increases convergence, since combinations of different business forms will likely generate deals with attribute combinations that are unfamiliar to the pre-existing management regimes. Hence, regulators face a more challenging task when overseeing convergence mergers. Indeed, Neave and Johnson argue that convergence across institutional or market types may best be met by convergence at the regulatory levels, that is, an integrated regulator replacing the outdated regulation-by-pillar approach.

Berger et al. and the Limits to Globalization

In their paper, "To What Extent Will the Banking Industry be Globalized? A Study of Bank Nationality and Reach in 20 European Nations", Allen Berger, Qinglei Dai, Steven Ongena and David Smith (henceforth referred to as Berger et al.) focus on over 2,000 foreign affiliates of multinationals and how these affiliates select a bank to handle their cash management services (lending, deposit-taking, liquidity management, foreign exchange). The paper, presented at the conference by David Smith, identifies two dimensions of globalization - bank nationality and bank reach. Nationality refers to the location of the bank's headquarters: a host bank is located in the country where the multinational affiliate operates; a home bank is headquartered in the nation where the multinational itself is headquartered; and a third-nation bank has its head offices in a nation other than the home or host nation. Reach relates to the scope and size of the bank - global banks, local banks that operate in only one nation, and regional banks that have intermediate scope and size.

The raw data indicate that in large-banking-sector nations two-thirds of the foreign affiliates use host-country banks, with the remaining third split evenly between home-country and third-country banks. However, in the former socialist nations (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic), only 26% of the firms operating there choose a host bank, with 43% of them selecting a third-country bank. In terms of the raw data on "reach", in large-banking-sector nations, the foreign affiliates select local banks only 10% of the time, while favouring global and regional banks equally - roughly 45% of each. The econometric analysis provides some additional insights. Setting aside the affiliates of US firms, the estimates indicate that coming from a more distant home nation or one that does not share a language with the host nation increases the probability of selecting a host nation bank. Beyond this Berger et al. note that

firms that use host nation banks for cash management services are less likely to use a global bank and more likely to use a local or regional bank. Moreover, corporations that use host nation banks also tend to use regional banks as they expand internationally, whereas those that use home nation banks tend to rely on global banks as they expand. These findings together suggest that local and regional banks may be better at delivering concierge services [services that reflect the local market, culture, language and regulatory conditions] than global banks, and large multinational corporations need more concierge services as they expand further from their home.

The authors interpret the finding that multinationals rely on host nation banks with limited reach to imply that the extent of globalization may remain limited.

Chant on Bay Street vs. Main Street

The challenge John Chant sets for himself in "Revisiting Main and Bay Streets" is how to ensure that the Canadian banking sector remains both domestically and internationally competitive. "Bay Street" characterizes an internationally competitive banking system comprised of a few larger banks that may lack vigorous domestic competition, while "Main Street" characterizes a domestically competitive banking system that may leave individual banks too small to compete globally. Is there a middle road?

Chant begins addressing alternative futures by focusing on avenues other than mergers through which banks could increase their size. Internal growth is one route, although all the world's largest banks have relied on mergers for their growth. Strategic alliances are possible, but Canada's 20% ownership ceiling could be viewed as a constraint and, in any event, alliances are few and far between in the banking sector.

Chant then turns to his preferred option: Reciprocal Entry Agreements in the context of a single North American banking market, especially now that the United States has passed legislation that allows their banks to acquire powers similar to those available to Canadian banks. Based on principles of the European Union banking environment, Canada would simply invite other countries to join in bilateral agreements for reciprocal entry. Such a declaration would:


. allow other country's banks to offer the same services in Canada as Canadian banks;
. require home country authorities to look after deposit insurance in Canada; and
. require adherence to the Basel Accord for capital-adequacy standards.

Among other things, reciprocal agreements should both encourage more entry and mean that new foreign firms may become interested in purchasing any assets that merging Canadian banks are required to divest. Chant's proposition could be a win-win one, leading both to bigger banks that can compete internationally and to a more competitive domestic financial market.

Bancassurance: Merging Banks and Insurance Companies

The time is surely nigh for the merger of a major bank and a major insurance company in Canada. Because there is little Canadian evidence as to the likely implications of such a merger, we invited Kenneth Carow to present his Journal of Banking and Finance paper, "Citicorp-Travelers Group Merger: Challenging Barriers Between Banking and Insurance". On April 6, 1998 Citicorp and Travelers surprised the financial community by announcing a merger which significantly and immediately increased their share prices (by 26% and 18% respectively). Intriguingly, there was no legislation to allow such a cross-pillar merger: "Either federal policy towards financial institutions needed to adapt to incorporate the strategic vision of Citigroup (the new name of the merged firm) or Citigroup would be forced to abandon a large portion of its global product strategy." In the event, Congress passed the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999.

Ken Carow drew on financial data from banks, life insurance companies, health insurance companies, and casualty insurance companies to sort out what investors expected to gain from the removal of regulatory barriers. The results indicate that large banks (but not small banks) and life insurance companies experienced a significant net positive impact on their stock prices. The fact that the other insurance companies (health and casualty) did not exhibit negative returns suggests that this is not a wealth transfer from one segment of the insurance industry to another.

Among the several interpretations of these results, Carow observes that the former regulatory regime prevented the most efficient method of providing financial services to the US economy and that the increased prospects for future deregulation will allow banks and insurance companies to take advantage of economies of scope. "These benefits will arise from the combined management of bank and life insurance risks, cross-product sales revenues, and/or lower distribution costs."

Presumably Canadian mergers could generate similar gains.

Looking Forward

In lieu of a summary assessment of the conference proceedings we invited Charles Freedman, Tim O'Neill, and Stephen Poloz to "look forward", as it were, to selected implications for the financial sector and for regulators.

Freedman on System Stability

The Bank of Canada's Charles Freedman focuses on three areas of concerns relating to system stability. The first relates to clearings and settlement issues. Here, there is good news: on the payments side, Canada's Large Value Transfer System is up and running and provides intra-day payment certainty; the risk-control features of the debt-clearing services of the Canadian Depository for Securities can withstand the failure of even the largest participant; and the Continuous Linked Settlement Services (CLSS) system on the foreign exchange front sharply reduces the counterparty risk. The second relates to the prevention of financial crises. Here, Freedman takes comfort in the increased deployment of inflation-targeting strategies among central banks as well as from the increased use and dissemination of codes of conduct, best practices and prudential standards. Also important in this regard has been the striking of the G20 group in the wake of the Asian currency crisis in order to promote both financial transparency and financial stability for developing countries.

Among the initiatives relating to the third area - management of financial crises - Freedman is particularly encouraged by the IMF's "New Approach to Sovereign Debt Restructuring", patterned after earlier work undertaken by the Bank of Canada. It is built around four key features: first, changes in national legislation would prevent creditors from disrupting negotiations (leading to a restructuring agreement) by seeking repayment through national courts. Second, the mechanism would have to provide creditors with some guarantee that the debtor country would act responsibly during the course of any standstill. Third, private lenders would need encouragement to provide fresh money to help the debtor meet its financing needs. Fourth, the mechanism would have to bind minority creditors to a restructuring agreement once it has been agreed to by a large enough majority.

Plaudits all around!

O'Neill on Three Future Challenges

Bank of Montreal's Tim O'Neill also directs his "looking forward" comments to three areas - the first is consolidation, where the driver here is size/scale, but for specific product lines rather than for the enterprise itself. He presents data that suggest scale economies exist in areas like credit card issuing, discount brokerage, and mutual funds. Size or scale of the enterprise itself becomes important if the enterprise wants to focus on several product lines which themselves are scale-dependent.

O'Neill's second challenge relates to the "information asymmetries" as a source of economic profit. The pace of the information revolution and technology explosion is such that many erstwhile information asymmetries (i.e., gaps in knowledge/understanding between financial services provider on the one hand and clients on the other) are eroding, with the result that these financial services are becoming progressively commoditized. Predictably, however, financial services providers will seek to create new asymmetries, perhaps in areas such as market segmentation by customer type and location, improved micro analysis of pricing strategies, and more aggressive use of and change in branding.

O'Neill's final observation relates to information technology. The dramatic reduction in information transactions costs in commodity-type markets will make these markets volume-driven and contestable. However, in non-commodity markets, where trust and reputation are important assets, new providers will likely have to link-up with established firms, at least initially.

Poloz on International Financial Intermediation

In light of Canada's remarkable export penetration, we asked Stephen Poloz to devote some of his commentary to international financial intermediation and the role of the Export Development Corporation (EDC) as a player in this intermediation process. The riskier the foreign market a Canadian company is selling into, or the smaller the company initiating the transaction, the greater is the role for an intermediary like EDC for ameliorating these risks. In 2000, EDC undertook transactions in 165 countries on behalf of Canadian companies and over 80% of its customers were small companies.

Beyond this, Poloz sees four forces driving future change - technology is facilitating larger scale; deregulation in the presence of significant entry barriers in some markets may be leading to selective specialization; the events of 9/11 have served to enhance international risks; and the trend towards the necessity of internalizing environmental and social impacts/ risks into overall project finance which, in turn, provides incentives for financial institutions to partner with entities like the EDC which have expertise in these environmental/social assessments.

Poloz concludes by noting that one implication is that there will be a high degree of concentration in the international financial intermediary sector - during 1994-96, roughly 40% of all global financing activity was done by the top five global institutions, and this rose to 54% in 2000-01. Hence:

We appear to be headed for a world in which Canada will be increasingly dependent on international financial intermediation for its economic prosperity, but one in which the market for such services will remain as imperfect as ever. Therefore, when considering regulatory change, we should take great care not to make international financial intermediation even more difficult or even less effective at the same time.

* * *

We take this opportunity to express our sincerest thanks to the authors for their critical contributions to the success of the conference and this volume. We also extend our gratitude to the discussants - Robert Jones, Ron Giammarino, Frank Mathewson, and Paul Halpern - whose contributions follow the relevant paper. Finally, we are deeply grateful for those institutions whose financial support made the conference possible: the Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions, the National Research Program in Financial Services and Public Policy, the Canadian Bankers Association, and the Canadian Securities Institute.

All that now remains is for us to invite the readers to enjoy the insightful offerings in Framing Financial Structure in an Information Environment.

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©2002 John Deutsch Institute, Queen's University